Download 100 Days of Hope and Fear: How Scotland's Referendum was by David Torrance PDF

By David Torrance

Was once it easily a victory for worry over hope?
How did the higher jointly crusade come so as regards to wasting it?
How did the convinced crusade come so just about profitable it?

What can the folks of Scotland – and different aspirant international locations – examine from this seismic democratic occasion? Scotland’s independence referendum on 18 September 2014 was once the main major poll in Scotland’s historical past. The a hundred days as much as 18 September was once the authentic crusade interval and the world’s media used to be gazing. David Torrance used to be there all through, in entrance of the cameras, at the radio, within the newspapers, on the debates and gatherings, aware of a number of the behind-the-scenes manoeuvrings.

A passionate federalist at center, defined disparagingly by means of the outgoing First Minister as ‘Tory-leaning’, Torrance made a valiant try to stay ‘professionally neutral’ all through. His observation and research because the crusade went via its many twists and turns used to be continuously insightful, if no longer regularly popular.

'Reading this diary again in the course of the modifying strategy it was once transparent that, like (Nate) Silver (the US polling guru whose view used to be that the definite crusade had nearly no likelihood of victory), I received loads of issues flawed (including the most probably margin of victory) but in addition many stuff commonly right. at the very least i will plead, as newshounds frequently do, that i used to be most likely correct on the time.'

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Non-Jewish) powers that ruled it down the ages as “foreign occupiers” and “step-children”. Among these powers are the Arabs, who are thus barred from the respectable position of natives, reserved to the true sons of the land, the Zionists. It may be interesting to look briefly at some Zionist academic studies on the question of Palestinian nationalism during the Mandate. 48 He does not deal with general questions of interpretation, whatever their nature. The book of course purports to be objective in a new and unprecedented manner for Zionist historiography, and sometimes it admirably succeeds in this.

This makes no sense and in my estimation it never happened in this way. I have shown above that in dividing up the Middle East the colonial powers seized upon the ancient division of the area, still very much a sociological reality in the Ottoman period. This applied to the Palestinians as well. This chapter does a number of things. First we consider the history of Ottoman Palestine, singling out mainly those subjects that are particularly relevant to the issue of identity. Then we go into the ways in which Palestinian community of some sort existed.

The new Ottoman legislation of the nineteenth century should be understood against this background. The 1858 Ottoman land law did not change the status of sown land, which did not become freehold. But one major innovation was the introduction of compulsory registration in a tapu (land registry office). Land could now be bought on paper from the government, though it still had to be worked. Indeed, after the inauguration of the 1858 law large-scale buying of unoccupied land started, particularly in the valley of Esdraelon and along the coast.

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