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Extra info for Arab Nationalism and National Socialist Germany
In the era of post-colonial State-construction and development projects, Middle Eastern women recast some of this legacy in the language of social science, nation-building and modernization. State legislation and social policy, analyses of the material conditions of women’s household and workplace activities and support and empowerment for larger groups of women were the characteristic preoccupations of women activists in the 1960s and 1970s. The expansion of access to higher education, whether within the region or in the West, allowed a much increased number of women to explore and investigate at a sophisticated level and to encounter the work of ‘second-wave’ Western feminists.
If the power ensuing from racism is displaced into a benign concern for race as merely one form of many differences, as seems currently to be the case in a great deal of feminist work, we will fail to address a crucial and crushing feature of many women’s everyday lives (Essed, 1991). Of course, it is possible for individuals to exist in relationships of power, as feminist arguments concerning the personal being political have demonstrated; and personalized forms of racism should never be overlooked.
In both intellectual and political initiatives they demonstrated their varied and contested senses of themselves as ‘mothers’, ‘Muslims’, ‘patriots’, or ‘women’ and the complex negotiations they undertook with nationalist politics, Western feminism and religious traditions. Located within specific, sometimes restricted milieux and both empowered and constrained by their connections with other political and intellectual movements, these early generations of Egyptian, Turkish or Iranian female activists set important precedents for their successors (Badran, 1993; Baron, 1994; Sanasarian, 1982).